The mercenary hired by Juan Guaidó to assassinate President Nicolás Maduro, Jordan Goudreau, sued his partners in the terrorist act for breach of contract this Friday, October 30, in the Miami-Dade Circuit court of the United States (USA). and even presents documentary evidence.
This was stated by the ambassador of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela to the United Nations (UN), Samuel Moncada, who this Friday published a thread of messages through his Twitter @SMoncada_VEN account ,he wrote “Goudreau Sues Guaidó and JJ Rendón for $1.4 million breach-of-contract lawsuit .
It highlights that the mercenary provided specific data on the participation of Juan Guaidó and his boss, Leopoldo López, in the terrorist operation and also provides his contacts with Trump administration officials who promoted the project.
The failed coup resulted in the May 3 capture of two former American soldiers and 47 Venezuelans and led to the death of six would-be freedom-fighters who appear to have been executed.
Text chats shared by Goudreau suggest that at least one meeting took place at P.J. Clarke’s, a restaurant just blocks away from the White House, while testimonials from those involved suggest that top opposition figures were briefed at different points on the plot, including Guaidó and the head of his political party, Leopoldo López, who escaped Venezuela last week.
Goudreau’s assertions are strongly denied by the people he identifies, although few were willing to do so on the record.
(Telephone conversation between J.J Rendón, Juan Guaido and Jordan Goudreau)
Saying little in the months that followed the failed operation, Goudreau said he came to feel abandoned and scapegoated. He decided to break his silence and name the people he said had knowledge of his efforts to overthrow president Nicolas Maduro.
He also said in his lawsuit he had seen a competing offer of assistance to the Guaidó administration purportedly from Erik Prince, brother of Education Secretary Betsy DeVos and owner of the security firm Frontier Services Group. This is denied by Prince, who is mentioned in Friday’s lawsuit.
Goudreau’s lawsuit identified two Trump administration officials he said had prior knowledge of his plans. They are Andrew “Drew” Horn, at the time an aide to Vice President Mike Pence, and Jason Beardsley, a former soldier who is an adviser at the Department of Veterans Affairs.The mercenarie insists his support of an attempted coup was encouraged by some in the Trump administration, including Horn and Beardsley, the Department of Veterans Affairs adviser who is also a former special forces veteran and an early and prominent African-American supporter of Trump.
Goudreau also claims that key representatives of the Guaidó governing team played a very hands-on role in setting the plot in motion, through discussions held in South Florida and at times Colombia.
According to the lawsuit against Rendon, Goudreau was introduced to Horn and Beardsley by Washington, D.C., lobbyist Travis Lucas, whom Goudreau said he first met in October 2019 at the urging of Nestor Sainz, a former State Department official who was allegedly among the plotters.
Goudreau said the October 2019 meeting with Lucas occurred at the coffee shop of the Trump Hotel in Washington.
Lucas was one of the lawyers representing President Trump’s former bodyguard Keith Schiller in 2017 when Schiller was interviewed by the House Intelligence Committee as part of its inquiry into Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election.
Lucas in turn introduced him to Horn and Beardsley and they met multiple times, Goudreau said. The lawsuit alleges that “Horn assured Goudreau that licenses from the United States Government regarding the procurement of weapons and armaments for the project were forthcoming.”
“Drew Horn originally wanted to set up a meeting between myself and Donald Trump at Mar-a-Lago … a direct face-to-face but that never happened,” Goudreau alleged in the interview.
“The expectation [from Horn and Beardsley] was that we were gonna help facilitate, to help flip the country.”
The lawsuit also alleges that Lucas suggested Beardsley be “involved in efforts to fulfill the requirements” of the contract.
Goudreau also claimed high-ranking members of Guaidó’s governing team played an active role in the planning of the operation, at one point demanding $20 million be set aside to finance an internal popular uprising to go alongside the military incursion.
Goudreau’s lawsuit said that his plan was given the go-ahead over competing plans and that the group had considered one purportedly submitted by Prince, the founder and former CEO of defense contractor Blackwater, that would have called for 5,000 troops and carry a price tag of $500 million.
From May to August 2019, Goudreau said he attended multiple meetings in Miami and Colombia where they discussed the overthrow president Nicolas Maduro.
Among the people he met with in these meetings was Sainz, the former State Department official, who did not return requests for comment left on his phone and through colleagues. Another person identified in media reports in May and in the lawsuit as a funder of the operation was Roen Kraft, a mysterious heir to the cheese-making family. He could not be reached for comment.
Toledo admits to having met with Goudreau a few times, but only to discuss getting food aid into Venezuela, and dismisses some claims made by the ex-U.S. soldier about monetary diversion as “ridiculous.“
Goudreau also said that in August 2019 Kraft told him he had spoken to Pence about the project.
“According to Kraft, Vice President Pence stated that he was very interested in the project and that as soon as it was successful, ‘all doors would be open,’” the lawsuit alleges.
Pence spokesperson O’Malley said: ”The events described to our office by McClatchy never occurred — they are a complete and total fabrication.”
Also in August, Rendon contacted Goudreau and the two had a meeting in Miami.
Goudreau said he also met with Sergio Vergara, another official in the Guaidó camp, and with the help of Washington, D.C., attorney Manuel Retureta, the lawsuit claims, drew up a “General Services Agreement” and addendums to it detailing the operation. Although the contract was signed by Guaidó, Rendon, Vergara and Goudreau on Oct. 16, 2019, Guaidó claimed later that his signature had been forged.
Retureta did not return numerous messages left on his phones.
An attachment to the contract signed by Goudreau, Rendon and Vergara, obtained by the Herald and McClatchy, however shows a built-in deniability clause.
“If for any reason Project Resolution Operation does not succeed, President Guaidó will maintain deniability and be absolved from all knowledge and fault by all parties,” it read.
Project Resolution was what the operation was called in the contract. The soldiers involved later renamed it Operation Gideon.
THINGS FALL APART
The Gideon plan started coming apart pretty early on. Goudreau said he noticed tensions between the Venezuelans by late July, 2019. Kraft, who had told Goudreau of interest by Middle Eastern investors, had still not sent any funds in August.
There were also discrepancies in the planning.
Guaidó’s team seemed interested in using part of the funds for the operation to finance riots in the streets that would go alongside the incursion. But Goudreau said he felt the amounts requested were excessive, something disputed by Venezuelans.
Goudreau and another source familiar with the matter said that by December the operation had been infiltrated by Maduro spies.
On March 23, 2020, Colombian authorities impounded a Venezuela-bound truck carrying automatic rifles and tactical gear.
The United States soon afterwards accused Alcalá, the retired general, of narcoterrorism and offered the reward. When Alcalá surrendered, he said the shipment was for an operation to overthrow the Maduro regime.
Goudreau said that the operation went ahead despite Alcalá’s arrest because the general had already given it the green light before he was charged and the commanders on the ground decided to push on.
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